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HOW
NAACP BEGAN
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is
ninety-three years old? Old enough, it is believed, to have a
history; and I, who am perhaps, its first member, have been chosen as
the person to recite it. As its work since 1910 has been set forth in
its annual reports. I shall make it my task to show how it came into
existence and to tell of its first months of work. In the summer of
1908, the country was shocked by the account of the race riots at
Springfield, Illinois. Here, in the home of Abraham Lincoln, a mob
containing many of the town's "best citizens," raged for two days,
killed and wounded scores of Negroes, and drove thousands from the city.
Articles on the subject appeared in newspapers and magazines. Among them
was one in the Independent of September 3rd, by William English Walling,
entitled "Race War in the North." After describing the atrocities
committed against the colored people, Mr. Walling declared:
"Either the
spirit of the abolitionists, of Lincoln and of Love-joy must be revived
and we must come to treat the Negro on a plane of absolute political and
social equality, or Vardaman and Tillman will soon have transferred the
race war to the North." And he ended with these words, "Yet who realizes
the seriousness of the situation, and what large and powerful body of
citizens is ready to come to their aid?"
It so happened that one of Mr. Walling's readers accepted his question
and answered it. For four years I had been studying the status of the
Negro in New York. I had investigated his housing conditions, his
health, his opportunities for work. I had spent many months in the
South, and at the time of Mr. Walling's article, I was living in a New
York Negro tenement on a Negro Street. And my investigations and my
surroundings led me to believe with the writer of the article that "the
spirit of the abolitionists must be revived."
So I wrote to Mr. Walling, and after some time, for he was in the West,
we met in New York in the first week of the year of 1909. With us was
Dr. Henry Moskowitz, now prominent in the administration of John Purroy
Mitchell, Mayor of New York. It was then that the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People was born. It
was born in a little room of a New York apartment. It is to be
regretted that there are no minutes of the first meeting, for they would
make interesting if unparliamentarily reading.
Mr. Walling had spent some years in Russia where his wife, working in the cause of the revolutionists, had suffered imprisonment; and he expressed his belief that the Negro was treated with greater inhumanity in the United States than the Jew was treated in Russia. As Mr. Walling is a Southerner we listened with conviction. I knew something of the Negro's difficulty in securing decent employment in the North and of the insolent treatment awarded him at Northern hotels and restaurants, and I voiced my protest. Dr. Moskowitz, with his broad knowledge of conditions among New York's helpless immigrants, aided us in properly interpreting our facts. And so we talked and talked voicing our indignation.
Of course, we wanted to do something at once that should move the
country. It was January. Why not choose Lincoln's birthday, February 12,
to open our campaign? We decided, therefore, that a wise, immediate
action would be the issuing on Lincoln's birthday of a call for a
national conference on the Negro question. At this conference we might
discover the beginnings, at least, of that "large and powerful body of
citizens" of which Mr. Walling had written.
And so the meeting adjourned. Something definite was determined upon, and our next step was to call others into our councils. We at once turned to Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard, president of the N. Y. Evening Post Company. He received our suggestions with enthusiasm, and aided us in securing the co-operation of able and representative men and women. It was he who drafted the Lincoln's birthday call and helped to give it wide publicity. I give the Call in its entirety with the signatures since it expresses, I think, better than anything else we have published, the spirit of those who are active in the Association's cause.
"The celebration of the Centennial of the birth of Abraham Lincoln, widespread and grateful as it may be, will fail to justify itself if it takes no note of and makes no recognition of the colored men and women for whom the great Emancipator labored to assure freedom. Besides a day of rejoicing, Lincoln's birthday in 1909 should be one of taking stock of the nation's progress since 1865.
"How far has it lived up to the obligations imposed upon it by the Emancipation Proclamation? How far has it gone in assuring to each and every citizen, irrespective of color, the equality of opportunity and equality before the law, which underlie our American institutions and are guaranteed by the Constitution?
"If Mr. Lincoln could revisit this country in the flesh, he would be
disheartened and discouraged. He would learn that on January 1, 1909,
Georgia had rounded out a new confederacy by disfranchising the Negro,
after the manner of all the other Southern States. He would learn that
the Supreme Court of the United States, supposedly a bulwark of American
liberties, had refused every opportunity to pass squarely upon this
disfranchisement of millions, by laws avowedly discriminatory and openly
enforced in such manner that the white men may vote and that black men
be without a vote in their government; he would discover, therefore,
that taxation without representation is the lot of millions of
wealth-producing American citizens, in whose hands rests the economic
progress and welfare of an entire section of the country.
"He would learn that the Supreme Court, according to the official statement of one of its own judges in the Berea College case, has laid down the principle that if an individual State chooses, it may 'make it a crime for white and colored persons to frequent the same market place at the same time, or appear in an assemblage of citizens convened to consider questions of a public or political nature in which all citizens, without regard to race, are equally interested.
"In many states Lincoln would find justice enforced, if at all, by judges elected by one element in a community to pass upon the liberties and lives of another. He would see the black men and women, for whose freedom a hundred thousand of soldiers gave their lives, set apart in trains, in which they pay first-class fares for third-class service, and segregated in railway stations and in places of entertainment; he would observe that State after State declines to do its elementary duty in preparing the Negro through education for the best exercise of citizenship.
"Added to this, the spread of lawless attacks upon the Negro, North,
South and West ? even in the Springfield made famous by Lincoln? often
accompanied by revolting brutalities, sparing neither sex nor age nor
youth, could but shock the author of the sentiment that 'government of
the people, by the people, for the people; should not perish from the
earth.'
"Silence under these conditions
means tacit approval. The indifference of the North is already
responsible for more than one assault upon democracy, and every such
attack reacts as unfavorably upon whites as upon blacks. Discrimination
once permitted cannot be bridled; recent history in the South shows that
in forging chains for the Negroes the white voters are forging chains
for themselves. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand'; this
government cannot exist half-slave and half-free any better today than
it could in 1861. "Hence we call upon all the believers in democracy to
join in a national conference for the discussion of present evils, the
voicing of protests, and the renewal of the struggle for civil and
political liberty."
JaneAdams, Chicago; Samuel Bowles (Springfield Republican); Prof. W.L. Bulkley, New York; Harriet Stanton Blatch, New York; Ida Wells Barnett, Chicago; E. H. Clement, Boston; Kate H. Claghorn, New York; Prof. John Dewey, New York; Dr. W. E. B.DuBois, Atlanta; Mary E. Dreier, Brooklyn; Dr. John L. Elliott, New York; Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Boston; Rev. Francis J. Grimke, Washington, D.C.; William Dean Howells, New York; Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch, Chicago; Rev. John Haynes Holmes, New York; Prof. Thomas C. Hall, New York; Hamilton Holt, New York; Florence Kelley, New York; Rev. Frederick Lynch, New York; Helen Marot, New York; John E. Milholland, New York; Mary E. McDowell, Chicago; Prof. J. G. Merrill, Connecticut; Dr. Henry Moskowitz, New York; Leonora O'Reilly, New York; Mary Ovington, New York; Rev. Dr. Charles H. Parkhurst, New York; Louis F. Post, Chicago; Rev. Dr. John P. Peters, New York; Dr. Jane Robbins, New York; Charles Edward Russell, New York; Joseph Smith, Boston; Anna Garlin Spencer, New York; William M. Salter, Chicago; J. C. Phelps Stokes, New York; Judge Wendell Stafford, Washington; Helen Stokes, Boston; Lincoln Steffens, Boston; President C. F. Thwing, Western Reserve University; Prof. W. I. Thomas, Chicago; Oswald Garrison Villard, New York Evening Post; Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, New York; Bishop Alexander Walters, New York; Dr. William H. Ward, New York; Horace White, New York; William English Walling, New York; Lillian D. Wald, New York; Dr. J. Milton Waldron, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. Rodman Wharton, Philadelphia; Susan P. Wharton, Philadelphia; President Mary E. Wooley, Mt. Holyoke College; Prof. Charles Zueblin, Boston.
It was thus decided that we should hold a conference, and the next two months were busily spent arranging for it. Among the men and women who attended those first committee meetings were, Bishop Alexander Walters, Mr. Ray Stannard Baker, Mr. Alexander Irvine, Dr. Owen M. WaIler, Mr. Gaylord S. White, Miss Madeline Z. Doty, Miss Isabel Eaton, besides many of the New York signers of the Call. It was agreed that the conference should be by invitation only, with the one open meeting at Cooper Union. Over a thousand people were invited, the Charity Organization Hall was secured, and, on the evening of May, 30th, the conference opened with an informal reception at the Henry Street Settlement, given by Miss Lillian D. Wald, one of the Association's first and oldest friends. The next morning our deliberations began.
We have had five conferences since 1909, but I doubt whether any have been so full of a questioning surprise, amounting swiftly to enthusiasm, on the part of the white people in attendance. These men and women, engaged in religious, social and educational work, for the first time met the Negro who demands, not a pittance, but his full rights in the commonwealth. They received a stimulating shock and one which they enjoyed. They did not want to leave the meeting. We conferred all the time, formally and informally, and the Association gained in those days many of the earnest and uncompromising men and women who have since worked unfalteringly in its cause. Mr. William Hayes Ward, senior editor of the Independent, opened the conference, and Mr. Charles Edward Russell, always the friend of those who struggle for opportunity, presided at the stormy session at the close. The full proceedings have been published by the Association.
Out of this conference we formed a committee of forty and secured the services of Miss Frances Blascoer, as secretary. We were greatly hampered by lack of funds. Important national work would present itself which we were unable to handle. But our secretary was an excellent organizer, and at the end of a year we had held four mass meetings, had distributed thousands of pamphlets, and numbered our membership in the hundreds. In May, 1910, we held our second conference in New York, and again our meetings were attended by earnest, interested people. It was then that we organized a permanent body to be known as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Its officers were:
• National President, Moorfield Storey, Boston
• Chairman of the Executive Committee, William English Walling
• Treasurer, John E. Milholland
• Disbursing Treasurer, Oswald Garrison Villard
• Executive Secretary, Frances Blascoer
• Director of Publicity and Research, Dr. W. E. B. DuBois
The securing of a sufficient
financial support to warrant our calling Dr. DuBois from Atlanta
University into an executive office in the Association was the most
important work of the second conference. When Dr. DuBois came to
us we were brought closely in touch with an organization of colored
people, formed in 1905 at Niagara and known as the Niagara Movement.
This organization had held important conferences at Niagara, Harpers
Ferry, and Boston, and had attempted a work of legal redress along very
much the lines upon which the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People was working. Its platform, as presented in a statement
in 1905, ran as follows:
Freedom of speech and criticism.
An unfettered and unsubsidized press.
Manhood suffrage.
The abolition of all caste distinctions based simply on race and color.
The recognition of the principle of human brotherhood as a practical present creed.
The recognition of the highest and best training as the monopoly of no class or race.A belief in the dignity of labor. United effort to realize these ideals under wise and courageous leadership.
In 1910 it had conducted important civil rights cases and had in its membership some of the ablest colored lawyers in the country, with Mr. W. Ashbie Hawkins, who has since worked with our Association, on the Baltimore Segregation acts, as its treasurer.
The Niagara Movement, hampered as it was by lack of funds, and by a membership